Dallas County GOP drops plan to hand-count March Primary ballots

After months of preparation and public discussion, the Dallas County Republican Party has reversed course on a plan that would have significantly altered how ballots were counted in the upcoming March 3 primary election. Instead of proceeding with a large-scale hand count of Election Day ballots, the party announced it will contract with the Dallas County Elections Department to administer the primary using standard voting equipment.

The decision brings an end to a proposal that had attracted attention well beyond Dallas County because of its potential ripple effects. Under Texas law, the choice by one party to hand-count ballots in a primary can affect how elections are conducted for all voters in that county, regardless of party affiliation. By stepping back from the hand-count plan, Dallas County Republicans have avoided a scenario that could have reshaped voting logistics for both Republicans and Democrats in one of the state’s most populous counties.

In a statement posted on social media, Dallas County Republican Party Chair Allen West explained the reasoning behind the decision. He said he chose to work with the county to “conduct a precinct-based, community, separate Election Day electoral process,” adding that the move “reduces the liabilities” of the party. He concluded, “In this case, discretion is the better part of valor.” The language reflected a calculation that, while the idea of hand-counting ballots appealed to some voters, the practical and legal risks outweighed the potential benefits.

One of the most immediate concerns was the state’s 24-hour reporting requirement. Texas law requires political parties to report primary election results within 24 hours after polls close. Dallas County’s March 3 Republican primary is expected to be closely watched, particularly because of the U.S. Senate race on the ballot. Any delay in reporting results could have triggered legal challenges or court intervention. By using voting equipment administered by the county, the party reduces the likelihood of missing that deadline.

The reversal is notable because it follows months of statements suggesting the party was seriously preparing to hand-count tens of thousands of ballots. That preparation was not a small undertaking. According to earlier comments from party leadership, the Dallas County GOP had raised more than $400,000 and recruited more than 1,000 workers in anticipation of a hand count. Even so, key questions remained unresolved, including whether there would be enough trained workers, secure facilities, and funding to complete the count accurately and on time.

Staffing emerged as one of the most significant challenges. In an interview on Tuesday, West acknowledged that the scale of the operation required far more personnel than the party had been able to recruit. “We cannot take that risk of not being able to have the appropriate amount of counters because it would put our election judges in an untenable legal position,” he said. He added that the party would need at least 3,000 hand-counters but had recruited fewer than half that number, with early voting set to begin on February 16. With only weeks remaining, the gap was unlikely to be closed.

Beyond staffing, the logistics of hand-counting ballots at scale are complex. Texas law requires that in elections where ballots are hand-counted, voters must cast their ballots at assigned neighborhood precincts rather than at countywide vote centers. Counting must begin as soon as polls close and continue without interruption until it is complete. Election workers must be paid at least $12 an hour, and in a large county like Dallas, counting tens of thousands of ballots could stretch late into the night or even into the next day.

These requirements would have meant more polling locations, more workers, and longer hours than recent primaries. They also raised questions about security, oversight, and worker fatigue, all of which can affect accuracy. While hand-counting is often perceived as more transparent by its supporters, election officials and voting experts have long warned that large-scale hand counts can be more prone to human error than machine tabulation, especially when conducted under time pressure.

Another factor was the impact on Democratic voters and election administration more broadly. Under Texas law, if one party chooses to hand-count ballots, both parties must abandon countywide vote centers on Election Day. Democrats in Dallas County had planned to continue using voting equipment, but would have been forced into precinct-only voting if Republicans had proceeded with a hand count. That shift could have caused confusion for voters accustomed to vote centers and placed additional strain on election workers. It remains unclear whether the GOP’s initial intention to use precinct-based voting would have legally locked Democrats into the same arrangement, as the Dallas County Elections Department has not publicly clarified that point.

The broader political context also matters. In recent years, Republicans in Dallas County and elsewhere have pushed for hand-counting ballots as some national political figures have questioned the reliability of voting machines. Election officials at the state and local level have repeatedly defended the accuracy and security of certified voting equipment. They have also noted that hand-counted ballots are not automatically subject to audits under state law and that public observation of the counting process is more limited than many voters assume.

Financial uncertainty added another layer of risk. The Texas Secretary of State’s Office had warned counties that it might not have sufficient funds to reimburse unusually high primary costs if many jurisdictions opted for hand counts. For a county as large as Dallas, unreimbursed expenses could have been substantial. Contracting with the county elections department allows the party to rely on established systems and budgeting processes rather than bearing those costs directly.

By choosing to work with the county, Dallas County Republicans will be able to use existing voting equipment and procedures that voters and election workers are familiar with. According to West, the party is in the process of finalizing a contract with the county and expects it to be signed shortly. This approach aligns the Republican primary more closely with past elections and reduces the likelihood of last-minute changes that could confuse voters.

In practical terms, the decision reflects a balancing act between principle and practicality. Advocates of hand-counting often frame it as a way to increase trust in elections. However, trust can also be undermined by delayed results, administrative errors, or legal disputes. From a common-sense perspective, the ability to conduct an election smoothly, accurately, and within legal deadlines is a core responsibility of any political party overseeing a primary.

The Dallas County GOP’s reversal does not end the broader debate over how elections should be conducted or how best to ensure public confidence in the results. Those discussions are likely to continue at the state and national level. What this decision does show is that, when faced with tight timelines, legal requirements, and logistical realities, even strongly held ideas may give way to more conventional approaches.

As the March 3 primary approaches, voters in Dallas County can expect the election to proceed much as it has in recent cycles, with voting equipment administered by the county and results reported on a familiar timeline. While the hand-count proposal generated significant attention, its abandonment underscores the challenges of translating election reform ideas into practice, particularly in large, diverse jurisdictions where the margin for error is small and the consequences of missteps are high.