With Democrat Vikki Goodwin poised to become lieutenant governor, Texas Republicans may use their remaining Senate majority to strip the office of its traditional powers and block the Democratic agenda.


Texas Republicans may have lost their grip on state government in Tuesday’s historic election, but they still have one powerful weapon left: the Texas Senate.

And they may be preparing to use it.

Democrat Vikki Goodwin’s election as lieutenant governor marks a stunning political shift in a state Republicans have dominated for decades. The Austin state representative will become the first Democrat to hold the office since 1999, ending a long stretch of Republican control over one of Texas government’s most influential positions.

But winning the office and wielding its traditional power could prove to be two very different things.

When Goodwin takes office in January, she will face a Republican-controlled Senate with the authority to rewrite the rules that determine just how much power the lieutenant governor actually possesses.

That could make Senate Republicans the GOP’s last major line of defense against a newly empowered Democratic Party.

Republicans Still Hold the Senate

Despite the Democratic victories that reshaped Texas politics Tuesday, Republicans will maintain a 19-12 majority in the 31-member Senate when lawmakers return to Austin.

That majority matters enormously.

Unlike many of the lieutenant governor’s responsibilities, which are established through the Texas Constitution, much of the office’s legislative authority comes from rules adopted by senators at the beginning of each session.

Those rules can be changed by a simple majority.

In other words, Republicans have enough votes to dramatically weaken Goodwin’s authority before she has an opportunity to exercise it.

State Sen. Charles Schwertner, a Georgetown Republican, made clear Tuesday night that Senate Republicans understand their importance.

“Texas stands as long as the Texas Senate Republican caucus holds the line,” Schwertner wrote on social media. “We will.”

His message captured the stakes facing a party suddenly confronting life outside the governor’s mansion and other major centers of state power.

The Powers Republicans Could Take Away

Under outgoing Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, the office became a dominant force in Texas politics.

Patrick controlled committee assignments, selected committee chairs, determined which legislation reached the Senate floor and decided when lawmakers would consider bills.

He also appointed senators to conference committees responsible for resolving differences between House and Senate legislation.

Those powers allowed Patrick to shape the legislative agenda, advance Republican priorities and prevent unwanted proposals from gaining traction.

But those authorities were largely granted through Senate rules rather than guaranteed by the Constitution.

Republicans could transfer many of those responsibilities to a Senate majority leader selected from their own ranks.

Such an arrangement would leave Goodwin presiding over the chamber while substantially limiting her influence over legislation.

The Constitution would still provide her certain responsibilities, including serving as acting governor under specified circumstances.

And Goodwin would retain a statewide political platform, allowing her to promote Democratic priorities and work with the newly Democratic-controlled Texas House.

Still, losing control over Senate operations would represent a significant blow.

Goodwin acknowledged the possibility before Election Day.

“There’s a lot of things besides just running the Senate, and there may be some attempts to change the rules, but I don’t know,” she said in an interview.

“I think of myself as being fairly intelligent. I’ll figure out ways to get things done.”

A Political Showdown Is Brewing

Republican political strategist Garrett W. Fulce believes Senate Republicans are likely to act.

“I can almost guarantee you they’ll change the rules,” Fulce said.

He argued that controlling Senate procedures would prevent Goodwin from forcing Republican senators to cast politically uncomfortable votes while allowing Republicans to put Democrats in similarly difficult positions.

The strategy would also provide Republicans with leverage against legislation coming from a Democratic-controlled House.

Although the Texas House could reject Republican proposals, Senate Republicans could use their majority to block Democratic bills or demand concessions.

That would create a divided Legislature despite Democrats’ broader electoral success.

University of Houston political science professor Brandon Rottinghaus said restricting the lieutenant governor’s powers would rank among the Senate’s most consequential institutional changes in recent memory.

And there is precedent for Republicans changing longstanding Senate traditions when political circumstances demand it.

In 2015, Republicans lowered the threshold for bringing legislation to the floor from two-thirds of senators to three-fifths after falling short of the old requirement.

Now, they could rewrite the rules again, this time to protect their remaining political influence.

“Republicans want to minimize damage that came from the election,” Rottinghaus said.

The Battle for Texas Is Far From Over

For Democrats, Tuesday’s election represented a historic breakthrough after decades of Republican dominance.

But the next battle may be fought over parliamentary rules rather than campaign promises.

Senate Republicans have not publicly committed to a specific plan for limiting Goodwin’s authority. Fourteen Republican senators contacted by the Texas Tribune had not responded by early Wednesday evening.

Their decisions in January could determine whether Goodwin becomes a powerful legislative leader or a largely ceremonial presiding officer.

Either way, the political message is unmistakable.

Democrats may have won control of much of Texas government, but Republicans still hold enough power in the Senate to make governing difficult.

And for a party facing its most dramatic loss of statewide influence in decades, that remaining majority could become its most valuable political asset.