After weeks of delay, hours of heated debate, and a late-night procedural maneuver, the Texas Senate early Saturday morning gave final passage to the state’s new congressional map, sending it to Gov. Greg Abbott for his signature. If enacted, the plan is projected to net Republicans as many as five additional seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, further cementing the party’s dominance in the state’s delegation.
The vote capped a protracted and fractious redistricting process that spanned two special sessions, included a quorum-breaking walkout by House Democrats, and previewed the legal battles almost certain to follow once the governor signs the bill into law.
A Late-Night Finale
The chamber had adjourned around 8:30 p.m. Friday after a long day of debate and the map’s passage on second reading. But shortly after midnight, lawmakers reconvened for the final vote. At about 12:30 a.m., Sen. Charles Perry (R-Lubbock) surprised Democrats by moving the “previous question,” a parliamentary maneuver that cuts off speeches and forces an immediate vote.
“After recessing, it was discovered Sen. Carol Alvarado had issued a campaign email approximately 3:00 this afternoon to promote her filibuster as a campaign fundraising event,” Perry said on the floor. He added that doing so was “unprecedented” and “highly offensive to the body.”
“To hold state employees at work under the guise of official responsibilities for the purpose of campaign fundraising appears to be potentially unlawful, at least unethical, using state resources for a campaign purpose,” Perry argued. He then quoted language from Alvarado’s fundraising email urging recipients to “rush a donation now” to support her opposition to the map.
Alvarado (D-Houston), who had announced plans to filibuster the bill with backing from the Senate Democratic Caucus, had famously held the floor for 15 hours in 2021 to oppose Republican-backed election legislation. But this time, her effort ended before it could begin.
Sen. Roland Gutierrez (D-San Antonio) attempted to challenge Perry’s motion, asking Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick for precedent. Patrick quickly ruled his inquiry improper, saying the motion had already been made. The chamber then voted 18–8 to end debate, followed by an 18–11 vote to pass the congressional map.
The tense session ended with Patrick ordering several spectators removed from the Senate gallery for shouting at lawmakers. The Senate adjourned until Tuesday.
The Political Stakes
The stakes of the fight are high. Texas gained two congressional seats after the 2020 census, bringing its total to 38, and the new map adjusts district lines across the state. Republican lawmakers used recent election results, particularly from the 2024 presidential contest, to design districts that maximize their party’s advantage.
All told, the map is expected to produce five new GOP-leaning seats. Each of the new districts favored former President Donald Trump by at least 10 percentage points in the 2024 election, though some are more competitive when looking at the statewide average.
South Texas, long a Democratic stronghold but increasingly competitive in recent years, stands at the center of the realignment. The new 28th Congressional District, for instance, still leans Democratic but has become much more competitive after Trump’s strong performance there in 2024. Republicans hope the trend will continue, giving them a shot at flipping the seat in 2026.
A Familiar Legal Battle Looms
The partisan battle over the map is unlikely to end at Abbott’s desk. Lawsuits are almost certain to follow, reprising the fights that have accompanied nearly every Texas redistricting cycle for decades.
Democrats used floor debate to underscore what they contend are racial and constitutional flaws in the plan, seeking to lay a record for the courts.
Sen. José Menendez (D-San Antonio) pressed sponsor Sen. Phil King (R-Weatherford) on whether he used racial data when drawing the maps. King insisted he had not.
“My direction to [the law firm] was to look at this map, take whatever analysis steps are necessary, and let me know if it complies with all applicable parts of the law and also [make sure] it performs the way I hope it will politically,” King said. “And they brought those conclusions back to me. So I don't know the specific steps they took, but I'm very confident that they took all necessary steps to make those determinations.”
Menendez countered that House Redistricting Chairman Todd Hunter (R-Corpus Christi) had repeatedly cited racial breakdowns in explaining the map. “You must be aware that each time Chairman Hunter has laid out the map, he has listed specific districts and the race population for those districts,” Menendez said.
King replied he had not followed the House debates. Hunter has said publicly that the map creates two new Black-majority districts and two new Hispanic-majority districts, based on Citizen Voting Age Population data.
Sen. Judith Zaffirini (D-Laredo) pushed King further, asking whether the map diluted minority voting strength. King maintained that it did not, saying: “What I can tell you today is that this map is legal. It performs better for Republicans. It improves compactness. And it is, I believe, a good map for the Senate to vote out.”
Democrats’ questions set the stage for lawsuits that will likely be filed as soon as Abbott signs the bill. One challenge is already pending in federal court in El Paso over the 2021 congressional maps; that case was paused but could resume once the new plan becomes law. The plaintiffs, including the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), argue that previous maps diluted Hispanic representation in violation of the Voting Rights Act.
A Ripple Effect on 2026 Races
Even before any courtroom showdown, the new map is reshaping Texas politics ahead of the 2026 elections.
Perhaps the most dramatic change is the pairing of two Austin-area Democrats, longtime Rep. Lloyd Doggett (TX-37) and freshman Rep. Greg Casar (TX-35). Under the new plan, Casar’s district is moved south toward San Antonio, while Doggett’s district absorbs much of Casar’s old base. Facing pressure from progressive allies to step aside, Doggett has already announced he will not seek re-election if the map stands. State Sen. Sarah Eckhardt (D-Austin) has said she is weighing a campaign for the seat as well.
Republicans are also eyeing opportunities. State Rep. Briscoe Cain (R-Deer Park) has filed paperwork to run in the new 9th Congressional District, one of the GOP-leaning seats. Other state lawmakers are considering bids for newly drawn districts, setting up what could be crowded primaries in 2026.
The Road to Passage
Getting to this point took months of maneuvering. The Legislature’s first special session on redistricting collapsed earlier this summer after House Democrats broke quorum for two weeks, stalling all action. Abbott then called a second session, giving Republicans another chance to push through their map.
Democrats attempted to delay or derail the plan with procedural tactics and marathon questioning, but the Republican majority held firm. By the time the Senate acted this weekend, the map had already cleared the House, leaving only Abbott’s signature as the final step.
What Comes Next
Abbott can sign the bill into law as soon as the Legislature transmits it to his desk, something expected in the coming days. Once signed, candidates and campaigns will begin recalibrating their 2026 strategies around the new political geography.
Court challenges, however, could complicate matters. Federal judges have frequently ordered changes to Texas maps after finding they violated the Voting Rights Act or the Constitution, though the U.S. Supreme Court has narrowed the scope of such rulings in recent years. The legal battles could drag on well into the 2026 election cycle, potentially leaving candidates uncertain about their districts until close to the filing deadline.
A Familiar Texas Story
For longtime observers of Texas politics, the weekend’s late-night drama and looming lawsuits represent a familiar cycle. Every decade, the state’s rapid growth forces lawmakers to redraw its political boundaries. And every decade, those maps spark partisan warfare and years of litigation.
This time, Republicans are positioned to expand their already commanding advantage in the state’s 38-member delegation, where they currently hold 25 seats to Democrats’ 13. If the map survives court scrutiny, the GOP could gain as many as five more, strengthening its hand in Washington for the rest of the decade.
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